在川普票倉深處，一場反企業金錢運動可能重塑政治支出

作者：布萊德・布魯克斯（Brad Brooks）By Brad Brooks

路透蒙大拿州哥倫比亞瀑布9月16日電——美國最高法院以「公民聯合會案」（Citizens United）競選財務裁決重塑美國政治逾15年後，蒙大拿州選民將於今年11月決定，是否透過公投提案，讓該州成為全美第一個禁止企業花錢介入選舉的州。COLUMBIA FALLS, Montana, Sept 16 (Reuters) - More than 15 years after the U.S. Supreme Court reshaped American politics with its Citizens United campaign finance ruling, Montana voters will decide this November whether to make their state the first in the nation to bar corporations from spending money on elections through a ballot initiative.

這是一項新穎法律策略的測試案例：它並非正面挑戰2010年的裁決，而是繞開該案，同時回應選民對所謂「暗錢」在選舉中無所不在的日益不滿；這股憤怒正跨越黨派界線擴大。It's a test case for a novel legal strategy that sidesteps the 2010 ruling rather than challenging it head-on -- and taps into growing, bipartisan anger over the pervasiveness of so-called dark money in elections.

華盛頓左傾智庫美國進步中心律師、這場運動的法律設計者湯姆・穆爾說：「美國人正在失去一種信念：他們還能對我們的政治有任何影響力。」“Americans are losing the belief that they have any influence over our politics,” said Tom Moore, a lawyer with the Center for American Progress left-leaning think tank in Washington and the legal architect of the movement.

專家表示，超過30個州正進行類似且相互協調的努力，蒙大拿州可能有助於樹立關鍵先例，並可能引發最高法院的另一場對決。夏威夷州議會今年稍早已通過一項類似法律，靈感來自蒙大拿州這項行動背後的人士。With similar, coordinated efforts underway in over 30 states, Montana could help set a critical precedent, experts say, and potentially lead to another showdown at the Supreme Court. Hawaii’s legislature passed a similar law earlier this year, inspired by those behind the effort here.

這項措施能在蒙大拿州列入選票，乍看可能令人意外。蒙大拿州是深度保守州，總統川普在2024年以將近20個百分點的差距贏下該州。但根據對選民、歷史學者與政治學者的訪談，在這個曾由強盜貴族橫行的地方，人們對政治中的金錢仍抱持高度疑慮。That the measure made the ballot in Montana, a deeply conservative state that President Donald Trump won by nearly 20 points in 2024, may seem surprising at first. But in a place where robber barons once ran wild, people remain deeply suspicious of money in politics, according to interviews with voters, historians and political scientists.

這種情緒在全美相當普遍。布倫南司法中心（Brennan Center for Justice）今年的一項調查發現，跨黨派共有79%的美國人支持修憲，恢復對政治支出的限制。It’s a sentiment widely shared across the United States. A Brennan Center for Justice survey this year found 79% of Americans across parties would support a constitutional amendment to restore limits on political spending.

對被稱為「蒙大拿計畫」（Montana Plan）的第194號倡議案（Initiative 194），目前尚未有獨立公開民調。民粹派民主黨人山姆・福斯塔格在競選美國聯邦眾議員期間大力支持這項倡議，前共和黨籍州長馬克・拉西科特（Marc Racicot）也予以支持；不過，蒙大拿州共和黨與部分商業團體表示反對。No independent public polling has been done on Initiative 194, dubbed the “Montana Plan." It has been championed by populist Democrat Sam Forstag in his run for the U.S. House of Representatives and former Republican Governor Marc Racicot, though the state Republican party and some business groups are opposed.

在銅礦城巴特自稱保守派自由意志主義者的史蒂夫・哈德納吉（Steve Hadnagy）說，他計畫對I-194投下「贊成」票，以防止州外企業資金流入蒙大拿州。Steve Hadnagy, a self-described conservative libertarian in the copper-mining town of Butte, said he plans to vote “yes” on I-194 to prevent corporate money flowing in from out of state.

他說：「他們把數百萬美元砸進這裡的選舉，扶植他們想要掌權的候選人，讓那些人照他們的要求做事。」「我認為人們想對此做些什麼。」"They're dumping millions of dollars into elections here, setting up the candidates they want in power who will do what they ask," he said. “I think people want to do something about it.”

暗錢DARK MONEY

在「公民聯合會案」中，最高法院裁定，企業與工會依據第一修正案享有權利，可在不依附於個別競選活動的情況下，為選舉投入無上限資金。這促成了超級政治行動委員會（super PAC）與501(c)(4)非營利組織，亦即C4組織的興起；這些組織可在不揭露捐款人的情況下，將無上限的「暗錢」投入選舉。In Citizens United, the Supreme Court ruled that corporations and unions have a First Amendment right to spend unlimited money on elections independent of individual campaigns – giving rise to super PACs and 501(c)(4) nonprofits, or C4s, which can spend unlimited "dark money" on elections without disclosing their donors.

根據OpenSecrets資料，已知流向聯邦外圍政治團體的企業捐款，從2010年的1,300萬美元，增至今年迄今超過6億美元。Known corporate contributions to federal outside political groups rose from $13 million in 2010 to more than $600 million so far this year, according to OpenSecrets.

在蒙大拿州，根據推動「蒙大拿計畫」的「透明選舉倡議」（Transparent Election Initiative）依OpenSecrets資料所作統計，獨立政治支出從2008年的3萬3,000美元，增至2024年的1億6,200萬美元。而這還只是能夠追蹤到的資金。In Montana, independent political expenditures rose from $33,000 in 2008 to $162 million in 2024, according to the Transparent Election Initiative, the group behind the Montana Plan, based on OpenSecrets data. And that’s just the money that’s possible to track.

消費者倡議團體「公共公民」（Public Citizen）長期研究競選財務的專家克雷格・霍爾曼（Craig Holman）說：「沒有人知道有多少企業支出正在湧入選舉。」"No one knows how much corporate spending is pouring into elections,” said Craig Holman, a longtime campaign finance expert at Public Citizen, a consumer advocacy group.

「蒙大拿計畫」並未試圖推翻「公民聯合會案」；它是透過鎖定企業權能，而非企業權利，來繞開該案。企業權能由州政府授予，而州政府有權重新界定或撤銷這些權能。The Montana Plan doesn't attempt to overturn Citizens United -- it works around it by targeting corporate powers rather than corporate rights. Corporate powers are granted by state governments, which have the authority to redefine or revoke them.

I-194將禁止所有「人造人格」從事政治支出，包括工會、C4組織，以及任何在該州營業的公司，即使這些公司並非在蒙大拿州註冊成立。I-194 would bar all “artificial persons” from political spending, including unions, C4s and any corporation doing business in the state, even if they're not chartered in Montana.

它不會阻止富有的個人自由花錢，但這些人將不再能匿名這麼做。It would not stop wealthy individuals from spending freely -- but they would no longer be able to do so anonymously.

蒙大拿州前政治實務委員傑夫・曼根（Jeff Mangan）——該州政治實務委員會是監督並執行競選財務與揭露法律的州級機關——現在領導「透明選舉倡議」，並主導蒙大拿州這項行動。他說，企業資金大量湧入政治的最大影響之一，是民選官員不再把選民放在首位來回應。曼根表示，現任國會議員如今必須每天募得數萬美元，才能維持競爭力。Jeff Mangan, Montana's former commissioner of political practices -- the state agency that monitors and enforces campaign finance and disclosure laws -- now leads the Transparent Election Initiative and spearheads the Montana effort. He said one of the biggest impacts of the flood of corporate cash into politics is that elected officials no longer answer to their constituents first. Sitting members of Congress must now raise tens of thousands of dollars a day to remain competitive, he said.

曼根說：「所以當那成為他們的優先事項，就會有人被推到一旁，而那通常就是選民。」"So when that's their priority, somebody gets pushed aside, and it's generally the voters," Mangan said.

法律審視LEGAL SCRUTINY

反對這項計畫的主要力量來自蒙大拿州商界。Opposition to the plan has been led by Montana’s business community.

卡利斯佩爾商會（Kalispell Chamber of Commerce）執行長洛琳・克拉諾（Lorraine Clarno）說，她的團體曾運用地方企業捐款，向大眾說明其他公投案，內容從學校稅收到監獄經費不等。Lorraine Clarno, CEO of the Kalispell Chamber of Commerce, said her group has used contributions from local businesses to educate the public about other ballot measures, from school levies to jail funding.

蒙大拿州商會（Montana Chamber of Commerce）曾提起訴訟，試圖阻止這項倡議列入選票，但未成功。該會會長陶德・歐海爾（Todd O'Hair）說，他認為I-194顯然違憲。The Montana Chamber of Commerce filed an unsuccessful lawsuit to keep the initiative off the ballot and its president, Todd O'Hair, said he views I-194 as plainly unconstitutional.

法律專家看法分歧。Legal experts are split.

羅耀拉大學（Loyola University）法學教授賈斯汀・萊維特（Justin Levitt）稱這項倡議「大膽且不同尋常」，並表示它可能迫使最高法院，在2010年授予企業的言論自由權利，與數十年來支持各州有權界定企業可從事事項的法律先例之間作出權衡。Loyola University law professor Justin Levitt called the initiative “bold and unusual,” saying it could force the Supreme Court to weigh the free-speech rights it granted corporations in 2010 against decades of legal precedent upholding the states’ power to define what corporations are permitted to do.

加州大學洛杉磯分校（UCLA）法學教授理查・哈森（Richard Hasen）則對這項努力更為懷疑，稱其是繞過「公民聯合會案」的「迂迴手法」，很可能遭到最高法院保守派多數駁回。Richard Hasen, a UCLA law professor, is more skeptical of the effort -- calling it "an end run" around Citizens United that is likely to be rejected by the court's conservative majority.

毫無疑問，這裡發生的事可能產生廣泛回響。直接與全美各地組織者合作的穆爾表示，約32個州已有I-194的不同版本正在推動或審議中，形式包括可能的公投倡議或待審法案。There’s no question that what happens here could reverberate widely. Versions of I-194 are active or under consideration in some 32 states, either as potential ballot initiatives or pending legislation, according to Moore, who works directly with organizers nationwide.

「選票的力量」‘THE POWER OF THE BALLOT’

蒙大拿州對企業權力的不信任根深柢固。Distrust of corporate power runs deep in Montana.

在19世紀末與20世紀初，被稱為「銅業大王」（Copper Kings）的礦業鉅子一路以賄賂操弄州議會，其中一人甚至買下一個美國聯邦參議員席次；這樁醜聞至今仍在地方學校教授。In the late 1800s and early 1900s, mining barons known as the Copper Kings bribed their way through the state legislature one of them even and bought a U.S. Senate seat, a scandal still taught in local schools.

蒙大拿州選民於1912年作出回應，同樣透過公投倡議通過《貪腐行為法》（Corrupt Practices Act），全面禁止企業選舉支出。這項法律一直維持到2012年遭美國最高法院推翻為止。Montana voters responded in 1912 by passing the Corrupt Practices Act -- also by ballot initiative -- outright banning corporate election spending. The law held until it was struck down by the U.S. Supreme Court in 2012.

蒙大拿州第四代居民、歷史學者布蘭達・瓦勒說，大型銅業公司當年拼命反對1912年的措施，但這並未改變結果。Brenda Wahler, a fourth-generation Montanan and historian, said the big copper companies fought tooth and nail against the 1912 measure. It didn’t matter.

瓦勒說：「100多年來，蒙大拿州人民一直運用選票的力量，把權力拿回來。」"People in Montana have used the power of the ballot to take back power for well over 100 years," Wahler said.

曾任林務署空降森林消防員與工會領袖的福斯塔格，是競選蒙大拿州第1國會選區的民主黨人。他已將這項倡議置於其競選核心。Former Forest Service smokejumper and union leader Forstag, a Democrat running for Montana’s 1st Congressional District, has made the initiative central to his campaign.

福斯塔格在哥倫比亞瀑布市一場競選活動停留期間受訪時說：「作為勞動者，我們在所有失靈體制中都站在不利的一端，而這個議題貫穿其中。」這座昔日藍領小鎮圍繞著一間如今已關閉的鋁廠發展，當地居民抱怨，他們正被來自德州與加州的富有外來者推高生活成本，逐漸被迫離開。“This is the issue that’s woven throughout all of the broken systems that we’re stuck on the wrong end of as working people,” Forstag said in an interview during a campaign stop in Columbia Falls. This formerly blue-collar town was built around a now-shuttered aluminum factory, and locals complain they’re being priced out by wealthy transplants from Texas and California.

52歲的獨立選民基思・米漢在福斯塔格的造勢活動中拿到一面支持「蒙大拿計畫」的庭院標語牌，並把它插進自家前院。他回想起過去選舉並不只是由負面傳單、自動語音電話與電視廣告決定的年代。Independent voter Keith Meehan, 52, snagged a pro-Montana Plan yard sign at Forstag’s rally and sank it into his front yard. He recalled a time when elections weren’t just determined by negative fliers, robocalls and TV advertisements.

他說：「以前人們會聽每位候選人要說什麼。」「如果能再次有一個更公平的競爭環境，那會很棒。」“People used to listen to what every candidate had to say,” he said. “It would be awesome to have a more level playing field again.”

（布萊德・布魯克斯蒙大拿州報導；傑西・梅斯納-海格與阿利斯泰爾・貝爾編輯）(Reporting by Brad Brooks in Montana; Editing by Jesse Mesner-Hage and Alistair Bell)